Understanding India's complex attitude towards China in New Delhi by Liu Zongyi
“During my previous communication with Indian think tanks and strategists, I found they often emphasize the need for enhanced dialogue between Indian and Chinese think tanks”
Today's piece is an article titled 在新德里感受印度对华复杂心态 "Understanding India's complex attitude towards China in New Delhi" by one of China’s better-known India specialists – Dr Liu Zongyi (刘宗义). Dr Liu is a senior fellow and secretary general of the South Asia and China Center, Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (SIIS) – one of China’s top think tanks.
The article was first posted on Global Times on April 29, and later reposted on April 30 on a WeChat blog 智库中国 "Think Tank China" associated with 中国社会科学报 Social Science in China, which frequently published Chinese scholars' articles on its WeChat blog.
We translated Dr. Liu's article because we believe it is valuable to those interested in China-Indian relations. In the article, Dr. Liu shares his reflections following dialogues with Indian think tanks and officials, and his insights gathered during his research in India over the past two years. We secured Dr. Liu's consent prior to publishing the translation of his article.
Understanding India's Complex Attitude Towards China in New Delhi by Liu Zongyi
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent remarks on India-China relations during an interview with the U.S. Media have grabbed much attention. Modi said stable relations between India and China are important for the entire region and world, stressing that the two countries must "urgently address" the border disputes and "restore peace" through bilateral engagement at the diplomatic and military levels. The timing of Modi's remarks coincided with the conclusion of my research trip to India, providing me with deeper insights into the mixed mindset behind such remarks.
During my previous communication with Indian think tanks and strategists, I found they often emphasize the need for enhanced dialogue between Indian and Chinese think tanks, as well as promoting increased people-to-people exchanges. Last year, during a dialogue with Indian think tanks, they hailed the visit by the Chinese delegation as an "ice-breaking journey". Judging from the warm reception and friendly atmosphere during my visit, it is clear that India aims to send specific messages through interactions with Chinese scholars. One key point is the acknowledgement that the current state of China-India relations is abnormal, and there is a hope for the expeditious stabilization for bilateral relations.
However, the issue arises from India's consistent assertion that resolving China-India border dispute is the basis and prerequisite for normalizing bilateral relations. Why does India stick with such a stance? The answer can be found in its narratives about China-India relations, especially those since the Galwan Valley clash in June 2020.
India has constructed a set of narratives that blame China for the border conflict and their deteriorating relationship. India claims that the Galwan Valley clash was not an isolated incident but resulted from China's violation of a series of border agreements between the two countries. In addition, Indian strategists widely feigned "perplexity" regarding the conflict, questioning why such conflict took place between the two countries despite the previously positive atmosphere in their bilateral ties. Some of them seemed to have completely forgotten New Delhi's repeated provocations over the border issue.
During the dialogue, the Indian scholars frequently emphasized the need for India and China to restore the stable bilateral relations they have maintained since 1988, stressing that a stable situation in the border areas serves as the foundation for such stability. Yet they rarely mentioned the consensus reached at that time that the two countries should treat their border issue separately from other bilateral relationship issues to promote the development of bilateral relations. Notably, since 1988, Indian troops have continuously attempted to encroach on Chinese territory to create a new so-called "Line of Actual Control (LAC)" along the China-India border. Some also accused China of opposing to India's bid for permanent membership in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG). These arguments logically consistent with recent fabrications by Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar and others, alleging that India's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru conceded its permanent UNSC seat to China.
India has fabricated these narratives and rhetoric mainly to serve domestic political purposes, while also using its linguistic advantage to discredit China in the international community. However, these narratives and arguments are continually reiterated, leading some Indian people to believe them as true and eventually becoming a "trap" for the Indian government's political decision-making. China-U.S. relations are beginning to stabilize, China and Europe are enhancing dialogue and communication, and countries including Australia and the Republic of Korea are seeking to improve relations with China. At the same time, with new government taking power in South Asian countries like Maldives and Nepal, China is strengthening friendly and cooperative relationships with some Global South countries, including India's neighbors. Despite this, India continues to have ongoing disagreements with the U.S. and other Western countries on human rights and other issues. Given all these, India is expecting to ease its relations with China to avoid isolation amid changes in the international landscape. However, New Delhi still expects China to "understand its situation" and the pressure it faces due to domestic political reasons and therefore make compromises. Nevertheless, such demands are obviously unreasonable.
My recent visits to India over the past two years have also allowed me to see more changes in the country. This was particularly noticeable during my journey from the Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi to the downtown area. New Delhi has witnessed considerable progress in infrastructure. My colleagues and I saw newly constructed tunnels with dual carriageways separated by concrete columns, which, although still somewhat rudimentary, have helped alleviate local traffic congestion. I also heard that there has also been substantial progess in places like Mumbai and southern cities like Bangalore. During my visit to Uttar Pradesh last year, I noticed there were more motorcycles on the streets of Gorakhpur in east Uttar Pradesh. Despite uneven development, the Indian market maintains prosperous on the whole, and the Indian government has been striving to boost economic development. At events like the Group of 20 (G20) Summit held in New Delhi last year, for example, India sought to build cooperation with other countries as a Global South country, among other initiatives.
China is happy to see the advances India has made in its economic and social development and hopes for mutually beneficial cooperation between the two countries. But at the same time, China does not want to see New Delhi continue to politicize normal economic and trade cooperation between China and India for domestic political reasons, or adopt a zero-sum game mindset with policies such as "shutting China out" or "replacing China". Instead, China aims for shared development with India. There can be competition between the two countries, but it should be constructive and mutually beneficial. A peaceful economic competition would be more meaningful for both nations.
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